Qatar Influence in the World

Statement of the Research Question The main research question that my thesis will cover is, ‘How does Qatar use soft power to strengthen its global political influence?’ This question will provide an opportunity for me to study the various processes of soft power that Qatar has and/or continues to utilize to strengthen its political influence not only in the Middle East, but also across the world.Advertising We will write a custom proposal sample on Qatar Influence in the World specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More It is evident that Qatar has emerged as one of the most influential Middle East countries in the world’s political affairs. This thesis will be a revelation as to how such a country has achieved its current position. Introduction Since 1995, following the takeover of leadership by Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani through a peaceful coup d’etat, Qatar has been transformed from a little-known tiny c ountry into a major economic and political powerhouse in the Middle East and, in extension, the world (Evans and Grant 42). In the last 18 years, the country’s leadership has been engaged in a protracted effort to transform it into a globally recognized and respected modern state (Brannagan and Grix par. 3). Being the world’s richest country in terms of per capita income, which stood at USD$ 448,246 in 2008, Qatar has managed to achieve tremendous successes in its short history (Hey 42). Its enormous wealth and a leadership that is keen on putting the country ‘on the map’ in the Middle East make it a major political player in the Arab World. Its influence in the world is growing (Beaumont 3). The main question is how such a country can achieve so much within such a short period. According to Brannagan and Grix, Qatar presents a good example of how soft power can be used to propel a nation’s influence in the global political affairs (par. 5). In the last 15 years, the country has invested heavily in building an appealing image to the world without using military or other forms of hard power. This move has allowed the country to gain a substantial political influence (King 16). The country has used its enormous resources to put in place measures of not only making Qatar an important investment destination for many nations and companies, but also as an important economic ally of many other states (Antwi-Boateng 39).Advertising Looking for proposal on international relations? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Further, its close and friendly association with western countries such as the US and the United Kingdom has separated the country from the politics of the Middle East, hence creating an appealing image to the world (van Ham 10). Other major areas of focus have been on the creation of an image of the country as a top tourism and sporting destination (Amara par. 3). For a long time, its neighboring rich, populous, and influential neighbors such as the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Iran among others have over shadowed the country (Worth 7). Owing to the fact that it was the last Arab country to discover its oil wealth, it is a recent entrant into the politics of the Middle East. So far, it has been successful in its push for becoming a key player in the region. For instance, while the UAE’s Abu Dhabi has been the major tourist and financial hub of the region, Qatar’s Doha has gained a strong footing against the former with an increasingly busy Airport, a key indicator of the country’s connectedness to the world (Brannagan, Mubanga, and Wolff par. 2). Further, its global financial assistance to many countries has also put the country into the league of nations where it provides billions of dollars for humanitarian and development purposes in disadvantaged populations and countries across the world. The country has also invested heavily in education of its citizens, thus bringing it to the forefront of nations that offer quality education to their citizens. Education is a major factor of power for top nations such as the UK and the US (Joseit par. 1). The current position of Qatar as having a substantial and increasing power and influence in global political affairs has not gone unnoticed. This position has been captured in various researches and articles to this effect. My thesis aims at studying how Qatar has used soft power to create its growing influence and presence in global political affairs. This topic is interesting since the country is succeeding in an area that many other countries have failed. For a long time, to gain political influence in the world affairs, many powerful countries such as Russia, the USA, China, and the UK have used hard power, through military and economic processes (Worth 7).Advertising We will write a custom proposal sample on Qatar Influence in the World specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Consequently, the success of Qatar in gaining global political influence without using hard power presents a new approach to the understanding of power and hence the significance of the study (Nye ‘Soft Power’ 96). The thesis will create an understanding of how Qatar uses soft power through four main areas that include foreign aid, cultural institutions, tourism, and sports diplomacy to gain and maintain its global political influence. Relevant Literature A substantial amount of research that has focused on the growing influence of Qatar in the global political affairs is available. However, much of the research focuses on the increasing influence of the Middle East countries on the global political affairs. With some efforts being dedicated to Qatar, it is a clear indication that the use of soft power by the small Middle East country has not gone unnoticed. In addition, the existing research has majorly focused on the economy of the country as the main avenue through which it has amassed power in the global political affairs. The first and most relevant research article is titled, ‘The rise of Qatar as a Soft Power and the Challenges’ by Osman Antwi-Boateng. The research is important and relevant to my thesis since it comprehensively covers the various ways through which Qatar exercises its soft power. According to the article, Qatar exercises soft power influence through what it refers to as attraction and ‘carrots’. In terms of attraction, the article points to the strong political stability, close relationship with the US, progressive higher education system, and effective income redistribution policies (Antwi-Boateng 42). The country also uses carrots through the media (Aljazeera Network), sports investments, and foreign aid policy to advance its soft power across the world. In this study, the author explores how Qatar exerts its soft power in its foreign pol icy in addition to how it addresses various challenges in advancing its influence. Antwi-Boateng begins by noting that the country is an exception of its neighbors who are facing political instability or other major hurdles affecting their influence in Middle East and in extension, the world (47). Firstly, in his study, Antwi-Boateng notes the importance of sport as a major source of soft power for Qatar (51). The Study gives an example of the 2006 XV Asian Games that Qatar hosted successfully. Further, the country has successfully bid to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup (Antwi-Boateng 51). The two events have greatly enhanced the country’s reputation and image, especially in the Middle East and the Muslim World.Advertising Looking for proposal on international relations? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Secondly, the study highlights the increasing use of football diplomacy and cultural institutions that have been characteristic of Qatar in the last few years. Antwi-Boateng regards Qatar’s sponsorship of Barcelona, a world’s re-known Spanish club as well as its purchase of Paris Saint-Germain (PSG), a French club, as major steps that the nation has taken to improve its influence through the world’s most popular game (48). The country invested a whooping USD$190 million in Barcelona’s sponsorship and another USD$ 63 Million for acquiring a 70% stake at PSG (Kamrava 540). The study identifies Qatari’s involvement in sporting, especially football, as in line with Nye’s assertion that culture is a major element of soft power (‘Public Diplomacy’ 102). Football provides an opportunity for Qatar to be in popular culture to display its own civilization due to the wide audience that the game receives across the world (Dorsey 4). The stu dy identifies foreign aid as a major aspect through which Qatar has gained and maintained its soft power. According to the study, Qatar is ranked at the 20th place worldwide in terms of the percentage of its population’s giving and first position in the Middle East and Arab Countries (Antwi-Boateng 45). According to the study, foreign aid is linked with positive goodwill, which enhances the country’s reputation among its beneficiaries. This move is in line with Nye’s claim that such efforts lead to legitimate power in the eyes of others (‘Public Diplomacy’ 99). For instance, in 2010-2011, the nation’s development and humanitarian aid amounted to more than USD$ 1 billion (Brannagan and Grix par. 2). Its foreign aid policy has been majorly focused on Arab countries that have been experiencing political instability due to the Arab Spring (Kinninmont 5). For instance, Qatar has advanced a low interest loan of USD$1 billion to Tunisia. It has also offered to employ over 20,000 Tunisians in Qatar while at the same time funding the construction of subsidized houses to the tune of USD$ 37 million (DOHA2012 18). The country has also provided financial support amounting to USD$ 3 billion loan facility to Egypt. Besides, it has also offered humanitarian aid support to many countries, including the US (Ministry of Foreign Affairs par. 2). This study is very relevant and central to my thesis since it comprehensively covers different processes through which Qatar exercises its soft power. By recognizing sporting and foreign aid as major ways of gaining soft power, the paper goes a long way in terms of proving the relevance of my study. Other studies that have also addressed Qatar’s soft power are also relevant to this research. One these researches is titled, ‘Qatar: A First-Hand Account of Soft Power’, by Brannagan, Mubanga, and Wolff. In the study, Brannagan, Mubanga, and Wolff point out the increasing influence in the regional and global political affairs (par. 4). The study identifies the increased efforts of Qatar to become a top tourist destination. Further, there have been more efforts to market the country through its unique culture to the world. The research is also relevant to this study since it covers cultural and tourism aspects through which Qatar seeks to gain influence in regional and global political affairs. Another important study that is relevant to my thesis is, ‘Qatar’s Soft Power Gamble: The FIFA World Cup 2022’ by Paul Brannagan and Jonathan Grix. In the study, the focus is on the growing participation and presence of Qatar in the international sports, and more importantly, its successful bid for hosting 2022 world cup games (QTA par. 2). Hosting such an event will be in line with the nation’s plans of becoming a top tourist destination since it will present a prime opportunity of displaying the country’s culture and attractiveness to billions of spectators across the world (FIFA par. 6). The study will be important for my thesis since it will provide important information and support on the increasing use of sporting and tourism as a means of gaining soft power for the Middle East country. Data In my thesis, I will use both primary and secondary data to address the main research question. There is a considerable amount of data that can be drawn from different secondary sources. For instance, Qatar’s Ministry of Development Planning and Statistics offers a rich source of data and important figures that can support different assertions of my research paper such as foreign aid and investment in sports and tourism. Further, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs website also offers significant information on Qatar’s foreign policy and foreign aid, which are both central to my research (par. 3). Owing to the high number of other studies that the research relies on, this study will offer an important platform of accessing and drawing secondary information. Primary data sources will include the use of interviews, surveys, and questions that will be targeted to specific population groups privy to Qatar’s soft power. For instance, interviews will be conducted on people such as lecturers and professors who can offer expert opinion on Qatar’s growing political influence in the Middle East and the world at large. Online survey will also be important in providing important information on the opinions of different populations on Qatar’s growing influence. The primary data is important in incorporating the information that will be obtained through secondary data sources. Outline of the Argument In the last two decades, Qatar has emerged from a little known and less influential nation to a major player in regional and global political affairs. During this time, with a major economic transformation, the country has used different approaches to acquire legitimate power and influ ence over other nations. Of these approaches, military muscle power and economic maneuvers, which have traditionally been the source power for many countries, have not been used by the country. Instead, the country has used other approaches to gain soft power. So far, it has been successful. My thesis will seek to discuss the various approaches of soft power that Qatar has used to gain its political influence in the Middle East and around the globe. These approaches include the use of culture, tourism, foreign aid, and sports. The thesis will discuss each of the above approaches in an attempt to show how they have helped Qatar to gain its influence and prominence in the global political affairs. Frameworks The first framework will be a theoretical structure that will focus on the concept of soft power. Drawing heavily from Joseph Nye’s ‘Public Diplomacy and Soft Power’, the framework will guide the thesis in providing an understanding of what constitutes soft pow er and how Qatar has been successful in gaining political influence through its well-calculated use of various processes of gaining power. Nye’s article comprehensively covers and brings forth the concept of soft power by comparing its effectiveness with the use of hard power (Nye ‘Public Diplomacy’ 102). It is evident that although hard power still dominates what constitutes power in the global political influence, soft power approaches have emerged strongly as an option for many countries that cannot exercise hard power. By utilizing the ideas brought forward in Nye’s article, my thesis will be able to cover the use of soft power by Qatar as it continues to emerge as a major power in the Middle East and in the global political environment. My research will also adopt the conceptual framework, which will focus on how the ideas of my thesis will be organized and presented to answer the main research question. It will also focus on how Qatar frames its appr oaches in order to gain power over other nations across the world. The framework is important since it helps to link the theoretical framework to real life examples of how soft power can be utilized successfully. By covering each of the areas and approaches through which Qatar has exerted its influence globally, the plan will be an important part of the conceptual framework of helping to answer various questions that arise from the process of answering the main research question. Chapter/Section Outline The thesis will begin with a background discussion on Qatar’s past and current status. It will show how it has gained an influential status over the years in the Middle East and beyond. This information will form an important part of the thesis. It will provide the foundation and basis for my research. The background information will include Qatar’s growing economic significance in the Middle East in terms of how it has been able to extend its influence beyond the regio n. The second section of thesis will focus on various ways through which Qatar gains its power and influence in its region and across the world. In this section, the first component to be covered will focus on how Qatar uses foreign aid to attain power and/or exert its influence across the world. The second component will focus on Qatar’s use of cultural institutions, including education and arts to grow its profile as a top education and cultural destination in the world, an achievement that has made it gain considerable power over other nations. The third component of coverage will be tourism and how Qatar, through the Qatar Tourism Authority, has put in place efforts to turn Qatar into a top tourist destination in the Middle East. The last component is the use sport diplomacy that Qatar has adopted to market itself to the world. These strategies include its successful bid to host 2022 World Cup games, its sponsorship of major European clubs such as Barcelona, and its acqui sition of Paris Saint-Germain among many other sporting activities that it has shown interest. Contribution of the Research The paper will contribute to the growing field of knowledge on soft power with Qatar as a good example of its effectiveness. It will be an important knowledge base for future studies that will be focused on Qatar and other nations’ influence on global political affairs using soft power approaches. Works Cited Amara, Mahfoud. The Pillars of Qatar’s International Sport Strategy, 2013. Web. http://www.e-ir.info/2013/11/29/the-pillars-of-qatars-international-sport-strategy/. Antwi-Boateng, Osman. â€Å"The Rise of Qatar as a Soft Power and the Challenges.† European Scientific Journal 2.1(2013): 39-51. Print. Beaumont, Peter. â€Å"How Qatar is taking on the world.† The Guardian July 20. 2012: 3. Print. Brannagan, Paul, and Jonathan Grix. Qatar’s Soft Power Gamble: The FIFA World Cup 2022, 2014. Web. http://www.e-ir.info/2014/01/18 /qatars-soft-power-gamble-the-fifa-world-cup-2022/. Brannagan, Paul, In’utu Mubanga, and Mads Wolff. Qatar: A First-Hand Account of Soft Power, 2014. Web. http://www.e-ir.info/2014/03/20/the-state-of-qatar-a-first-hand-account-of-soft-power/. DOHA2012. Offering a helping hand, Qatar is a good neighbor around the World. Doha: The UN Climate Change Conference, 2012. Print. Dorsey, James. â€Å"Qatar’s sports-focuses public diplomacy policies backfiring.† Daily News Feb. 10. 2014: 4. Print. Evans, Gareth, and Bruce Grant. Australia’s Foreign Relations in the World of the 1990’s. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1999. Print. FIFA. Emir of Qatar Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani visits FIFA President in Zurich, 2014. Web. http://www.fifa.com/worldcup/qatar2022/news/newsid=2441686/. Hey, Jeanne. Small States in World Politics: Explaining Foreign Policy Behavior. Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner, 2003. Print. Joseit, David. The Art Effect, 2013. Web. http:/ /www.aucegypt.edu/gapp/cairoreview/pages/articleDetails.aspx?aid=614. Kamrava, Mehran. Mediation and Qatari Foreign Policy. Middle East Journal 65.4(2012): 540-556. Print. King, John. National Branding: Coverage and Perceptions of Qatar in Major World Newspapers. Working Paper. Tennessee: East Tennessee State University, 2007. Print. Kinninmont, Jane. â€Å"From football to military might, how Qatar wields global power.† The Guardian February 3. 2013: 5. Print. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Qatar Foreign Aid Over QR3 Billion, 2013. Web. http://www.mofa.gov.qa/en/SiteServices/MediaCenter/News/Pages/News20131111082549.aspx. Nye, Joseph. Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics. New York, NY: Public Affairs, 2004. Print. Nye, Joseph. â€Å"Public Diplomacy and Soft Power.† The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 616.1(2008): 94-109. Print. QTA. A New Chapter of Pioneering Association, 2013. Web. http://www.psg.fr/en/News/003001/Article/ 64010/A-new-chapter-of-a-pioneering-association. van Ham, Peter. The Rise of the Brand State: The Postmodern Political Image and Reputation. Foreign Affairs 80.2(2001): 2-17. Print. Worth, Robert. â€Å"Qatar, Playing All Sides, Is a Nonstop Mediator.† The New York Times July 9. 2008: 7. Print. 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Contributory Factors To Formation Of ECOWAS

Contributory Factors To Formation Of ECOWAS Economic of West African State ECOWAS and SADC Southern African Development are two of the numerous regional integration bodies in Africa. While ECOWAS is one of the bodies that focus on West African economies, SADC focuses on southern African Economies. ECOWAS is a regional body created on 25th May, 1975 during its first conference in Lagos, where it treaty was signed. The idea of having a united west African body was first proposed by the then Nigerian head of staff, Yakubu Gowon. His idea was to collectively achieve a self-sufficiency through integration of the sixteen West African countries into an economic block with a single market controlled around an economic and monetary union.the community started with a5 members. Later on Cape Verde joined in 1976, but Mutituana withdrew it membership in December 2000. At the moment, the commission has 15 members namely Benin, Ghana, Benin, Nigeria, Sierra Leone ,Liberia, Guinea Bissau, Mali, Senegal, Togo, Gambia, Cape Verde and Burkina Faso. Niger and Guinea have both been suspended due to coup dà ©tat incidences. in detail, the main objective of ECOWAS is to promote co-operation and integration in order to create an economic and monetary union for encouraging economic growth and develo pment in West Africa, through: The suppression of customs duties and equivalent taxes the establishment of a common external tariff; the harmonization of economic and financial policies the creation of a monetary zone. However, due to the slow pace encountered in implementing this treaties, the treaty was revised in Continuo in Benin on July 23, 1993. The new treaty adopted a less rigid collaboration. The new treaty subdivided ECOWAS into The Commission, The Community Parliament, The Community Court OF Justice, ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development (EBID). These institutions are intended to be the tools used to implement their policies. Southern African Development Community (SADC), in like manner, is a regional integration body that encapsulates Southern African countries. It is an intergovernmental organization that primarily aims at achieving greater socio-economic corporation and integration as well as political and security collaborations among it 15 member states. The current day SADC is actually product of the formerly existing Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC), which was formed in 1980. As the name of SADCC implies, it was only a conference since 1980 until the treaty was signed in Windhoek, Namibia, on 17th august, 1992 and SADC was formally created. After the signing of the treaty, it seized from being a coordinated conference to being a development community. The members are mainly southern African countries, namely: Angola, Botswana, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, Swaziland, United Republi c of Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The core objectives of SADC are: Harmonise political and socio-economic policies and plans of Member States; Mobilise the peoples of the region and their institutions to take initiatives to develop economic, social and cultural ties across the region, and to participate fully in the implementation of the programmes and projects of SADC; Create appropriate institutions and mechanisms for the mobilisation of requisite resources for the implementation of the programmes and operations of SADC and its institutions; Develop policies aimed at the progressive elimination of obstacles to free movement of capital and labour, goods and services, and of the peoples of the region generally within Member States; Promote the development of human resources; Promote the development, transfer and mastery of technology; Improve economic management and performance through regional cooperation; Promote the coordination and harmonisation of the international relations of Member States; Secure international understanding, cooperation and support, mobilise the inflow of public and private resources into the region; and Develop such other activities as Member States may decide in furtherance of the objectives of SADC. On 14 August 2001, the 1992 SADC treaty was revised. The revision shows a change in the structure, policies and measures of SADC. One of the transformations is that political and security cooperation is included in the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security (OPDS). To achieve it objectives, the organisation was subdivided into 8 bodies. i.e. The Summit, comprising heads of state or heads of government, are at the top .OPDS, the Council of Ministers, Tribunal, SADC National Committees (SNCs), and the Secretariat. The formation of both bodies (ECOWAS and SADC) have been necessitated and expedited by many factors ranging from social, geographic, economic, political and security factors. In the subsequent chapter, we shall discuss these factors in detail. Discussion Economic Factors Economic factor is one important factor that contributed to the formation of ECOWAS and SADC. Normally countries where they form economic Integration they have stable and close economic condition. The aim of this chapter is to compare the economic condition of member of ECOWAS and SADC. In this chapter we will investigate about key economic Indicators such as GDP (PPP), GDP (real growth rate), and Inflation Rate, Exchange rate, Current account balance and Central bank discount rate. ECOWAS GDP (Purchasing power parity ) First Key indicator is GDP (PPP). Following graph shows the difference between members of ECOWAS. The average GDP of ECOWAS is 35.63 Billion. Nigeria got the highest GDP between member countries.bot rest of countries are bellow 50 billion USD per year. So we can say somehow they have similar condition in GDP (PPP) and their GDP is almost close to each other. GDP Real growth rate Second Economic factor is Real GDP growth rate, because of 2009 finical crisis we cannot have clear picture of economic growth of ECOWAS, however the graph shows that only one member of ECOWAS experienced negative growth rate in 2009 and rest of countries experienced positive growth rate. The average growth rate is 3.2 Inflation rate Average inflation in ECOWAS is 6.08% and Ghana got the highest inflation rate in ECOWAS which is 19.6% , and Niger got the lowest interest rate which is 0.1% Exchange Rate 6 members of 15 members of ECOWAS use one kind of currency which Financiere Africaine francs (XOF) and their exchange rate is 1 USD = 481.35 XOF. So using one single currency make it easier for countries to form and an economic integration and member of ECOWAS have this advantage and it make them to be more successful to reach their economic goals Current Account Balance: Following graph shows the current account balance of ECOWAS member. CoteDIvoire is the only country which had positive current account balance in year 2009 which was 65 Million USD. Average current account balance is negative $16440 million. Central Bank Discount rate 8 members of ECOWAS have same central bank discount rate which is 4.75%. highest discount rate between member countries belongs to Ghana. Having same discount rate is positive points for countries where they want to form an Economic Integration. SADC GDP (Purchasing power parity ) First Kye indicator is GDP (PPP). Following graph shows the difference between members of SADC. The average GDP of ECOWAS is 76.67 Billion. South Africa got the highest GDP between member countries.bot most of countries are bellow 25 billion USD per year. So we can say somehow they have similar condition in GDP (PPP) and their GDP is almost close to each other. GDP Real growth rate Second Economic factor is Real GDP growth rate, because of 2009 finical crisis we cannot have clear picture of economic growth of SADC, however the graph shows that 6 members of SADC experienced negative growth rate in 2009 and rest of countries experienced positive growth rate. The average growth rate is 0.33 Inflation rate Average inflation in SADC is 10.51%. Seychelles got the highest inflation rate in SADC which is 34%, In other hand Mauritius got the lowest interest rate which is 0.1%. over all they have similar condition. Exchange Rate Average exchange rate between SADC member countries is 1 USD = 836.1. The highest rate belongs to Lesotho and the lowest rate is for Zambia. Current Account Balance: Following graph shows the current account balance of SADC members. 3 countries have positive current account balance in year 2009. The average Current account balance is $165 Million. Angola got the best situation which shows that Angolas export is higher than its Import. However the rest of members got almost similar condition and their balance is almost near each other Central Bank Discount rate Following graph shows central banks discount rate of SADC members the lowest rate belongs to Mozambique which is 9.95 and highest belongs to Angola which is 19.57. the average rate is 13.65%.If we look closely we can see that the rates are very close to each other. and lending condition is almost similar in members country. Social and cultural factor By overview the factor of formation of both African union (ECOWAS and SADC), similarity of society can be claim as one of the factor toward the formation for both of the union. Due to geographical reason, nations that locate in same regions will affect each other in any of their decision making. Moreover, society daily activity or culture may also spread easier from one nation to another within a region due to easier of contact in geographical reason. Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) was created on May 28, 1975 by signed of Treaty of Lagos. It is a regional group of 16 West African countries namely, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Cote d ivore, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and lastly Togo. ECOWAS was form for the purpose to achieve collective self-sufficient for the member states by means of economic and monetary union creating a single large trading bloc. Despite the wide variety of cultures in West Africa, from Nigeria through to Senegal, there are general similarities in dress, cuisine, music and culture that are not shared extensively with groups outside the geographic region. Islam is the predominant historical religion of the West African interior and the far west coast of the continent; Christianity is the predominant religion in coastal regions of Nigeria, Ghana, and Cote dIvoire; and elements of indigenous religions are practiced throughout. Along with historic migrations, these religions have culturally linked the peoples of West Africa more than those in other parts of Sub-Saharan Africa. Traditionally, musical and oral history as conveyed over generations by Griots are typical of West African culture. Many of the religious practices are Islamic, but most are Christian. However, over 50% of the West African populations are Islamic. Mbalax, Highlife, Fuji and Afro beat are all modern musical genres which enjoin listeners in this region. A typical formal attire worn in this region is the flowing Boubou (also known as Agbada and Babariga), which has its origins in the clothing of nobility of various West African empires in the 12th century. The Djembe drum, whose origins lie with the Mandinka peoples, is now a popularly played drum among many West African ethnic groups. The Kora is a 21-string harp-lute of Mandinkan origin, played by various groups in the region. The Djembe, Kora, the silk Kente cloth of the Akan. Peoples of Ghana and the distinct Sudano-Sahelian architectural style seen in the many mosques of the region are the primary symbolic icons of West African culture. The game Oware is quite popular in many parts of West Africa. Soccer is also a pastime enjoyed by many, either spectating or playing. The national teams of some West African nations, especially Nigeria, Ghana and the Ivory Coast, regularly qu alify for the World Cup. Britain controlled The Gambia, Sierra Leone, Ghana, and Nigeria throughout the colonial era, while France unified Senegal, Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso, Benin, Cà ´te dIvoire and Niger into French West Africa. Portugal founded the colony of Guinea-Bissau, while Germany claimed Togoland, but was forced to divide it between France and Britain following First World War. Only Liberia retained its independence, at the price of major territorial concessions. Southern African Development Community (SADC) was formed in 1980. The origins of SADC lie in the 1960s and 1970s, when the leaders of majority-ruled countries and national liberation movements coordinated their political, diplomatic and military struggles to bring an end to colonial and white-minority rule in southern Africa. The immediate forerunner of the political and security cooperation leg of todays SADC was the informal Front Line States (FLS) grouping. SADC do have 15 members (Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Namibia, South Africa, Mauritius, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Seychelles, and Madagascar(suspended)) which all of them are from southern part of Africa. Southern Africa is home to many cultures and people. It was once populated by San, Namaqua and Pygmies in widely-dispersed concentrations. Due to the Bantu expansion which edged the previous peoples to the more remote areas of the region, the majority of ethnic groups in this region, including the Zulu, Xhosa, Swazi, Ndebele, Tswana, Sotho, and Shona people, BaLunda, Mbundu, Kikuyu and Luo, speak languages which share common Bantu language traits. The process of colonization and settling resulted in a significant population of European (Afrikaners, Anglo-Africans, Portuguese Africans, etc.) and Asian descent (Cape Malays, Koreans, Indians, etc.) in many southern African countries. The region has a wide diversity of ecoregions including grassland, bushveld, karoo, savanna and riparian zones. Even though considerable disturbance has occurred in some regions from habitat loss due to human overpopulation, there remain significant numbers of various wildlife species, including White Rhino , lion, leopard, impala, kudu, blue Wildebeest, Vervet monkey and elephant. Moreover most of the southern Africa country did produce raw material like gold, diamonds, and iron ore. Political and security factors Besides trade and the benefit of the efficiencies of a regional market, the reason for the establishment of a regional block, is to promote political progress, more especially for government which have been installed due to majority votes of its electorates and the population in a democratic election. The report stresses democratically elected government for a few reasons: To ensure that checks and balances are properly in place, thereby preventing against the concentration of power in a particular political office. To ensure that the views of the people are properly addressed, somewhat ensuring that the government is installed to ensure socio-economic development. These and some others are the reasons why we focus on democratically elected government. Furthermore, there are presently 16 countries in the ECOWAS, with the exception of Republic of Guinea and the Republic of Niger which recently were taken over by military juntas ( more on these nations will follow ) all the other members of the ECOWAS countries are ruled by democratically elected governments. REPUBLIC OF GUINEA In December of 2008 a military coup led by a junior officer in the Guinean army, Captain Moussa Dadis Camara, seized power in a bloodless coup after the death of president Lansana conte, after years of hanging on to power. As mention earlier, the report focuses on democratic governments and this was displayed when people were killed by the military under the new government. Human Rights Watch accused members of the presidential guard of carrying out a premeditated massacre of at least 150 people at the rally and raping dozens of women. REPUBLIC OF NIGER The ousted president of the republic is president Mamadou Tandja, who dissolved parliament after the countrys constitutional court ruled against plans to hold a referendum on whether to allow him a third term in office. According to the constitution, a new parliament was elected within three months.This touched off a political struggle between Tandja, trying to extend his term-limited authority beyond 2009 through the establishment of a Sixth Republic, and his opponents who demanded that he step down at the end of his second term in December 2009. Besides the example of Guinea and Niger, the political situation in the western Africa sub region, have been marred by conflicts, civil, societal, political and violent changes in government and revolts. In Sierra Leone, the Congo and Liberia, we have conflicts that erupted from the disagreements for the control of the nations vast deposits of Diamonds. This act put these countries in a state of chaos, and also led to the enslavement of individuals, some of whom were used to mine for diamonds at gun point. There were also reports of child soldiers in Liberia and Sierra Leone. The conflict in sierra loane was reportedly initiated by a former corporal in the sierra leoeneian army, Foday Sanko, and he was rumored to be supported by former rebel leader and president of Liberia president Charles Taylor. After years of conflicts, these nations have however achieved relative peace, with new and hopefully stable democratic governments. The political situation in the southern region of Africa is one of relative peace and stability. With the exception of Zimbabwe which has had some unrest due to a change in government policies and a shift in the political situation of the nation. The same also lies for Madagascar, which had a change of government in a bloodless coup, by the mayor of the capital (Antananarivo); the nation was subsequently suspended from the SADC after the fact. Regional peace and security ECOWAS became concerned early on with peace and regional security which are necessary factors in the socio-economic development of the Member States. Thus, the Authority of Heads of State and Government adopted a non-aggression protocol in 1978, a defence assistance protocol in 1981 and a declaration of political principles in July 1991. This declaration which is a plea for democratic principles in the sub-region condemns unequivocally any seizure of power by force of arms. It must also be pointed out that in 1990 the Authority of Heads of State and Government created an ECOWAS cease-fire follow-up group called ECOMOG. This peace-keeping force had cause to intervene in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea Bissau. LIBERIA After it had been deployed in the Republic of Liberia in August 1990, ECOMOG worked there to restore peace, ensure security and law and order. It also engaged in many humanitarian activities aimed at reducing the sufferings of the people. In sum, ECOMOG helped considerably to create favourable conditions for the holding in Liberia of the free and democratic presidential and parliamentary elections of 19 July 1997. Eleven Member States of ECOWAS provided contingents for the operations in Liberia these are: Burkina Faso, Cà ´te dIvoire, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Togo.Two other African States also participated, Uganda and Tanzania. SIERRA LEONE The intervention of ECOMOG forces in Sierra Leone occurred following the overthrow of the lawful government of this country headed by President Ahmed Teejan KABBAH. In February 1998, ECOMOG restored constitutional legality and reinstated the government of the democratically elected President. All the antagonists in the conflict, namely, the lawful government, the RUF rebels and the members of the (AFRC) military Junta signed in Lome in September 1999 an agreement protocol on the final settlement of the Sierra Leonean crisis. Following the appeals made to the international community for it to give meaningful assistance for a final restoration of peace, a United Nations peace-keeping force UNAMSIL replaced ECOMOG forces in Sierra Leone. The ECOWAS countries which provided contingents for ECOMOG operations in Sierra Leone are Ghana, Guinea, Mali and Nigeria. GUINEA BISSAU In June 1998, units of the armed forces of Guinea Bissau led by the former Chief of Defence Staff went into rebellion. On account of the bilateral defence and security agreements that linked his country to Guinea and Senegal, President Joao Bernardo Vieira asked for the intervention of the armed forces of these two countries. At the request of the lawful authorities of Guinea Bissau and in order to reaffirm its support for the elected government of Guinea Bissau, the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government decided to restore peace and reinstate President Vieira in authority over the entire country. A mechanism for supervision and control of the cease-fire was set up by ECOWAS with the contingents of soldiers sent by Benin, Niger and Togo. In spite of the numerous cease-fire agreements signed between the parties to the conflict in Guinea Bissau, the democratically elected government of President Vieira was finally overthrown. Drawing lessons from this failure and in order to reinforce peace and security in West Africa, the Executive Secretariat of ECOWAS initiated the establishment of a mechanism for the prevention, management and settlement of conflicts and for the maintenance of peace and security in the sub-region. The ECOWAS Mechanism For Conflict Prevention, Management And Resolution, Peace-Keeping And Security Our sub-region has been ravaged in recent times by violent upheavals which, each time, have resulted in the wholesale loss of human lives, wanton destruction of property, and suffering and desolation for the innocent civilian population. These civilians are frequently pushed by famine and disease into taking refuge in neighboring countries or becoming displaced persons within their own countries. It is fortunate that on each occasion, the ECOWAS sub-region, unlike the other regions in Africa, has been able to set in motion ad hoc conflict resolution procedures which have made it possible to circumscribe its crises. ECOWAS peace-keeping activities have in the main been considered commendable despite a few shortcomings noted. However, in view of the heavy human, material and financial cost of such conflicts and their negative impact on the development of the states concerned and on the sub-regional integration process, it has now become necessary to shift emphasis from conflict resolution to conflict prevention. To this end, but also for better management of full scale conflicts as well as internal crises which are now the most common, the Heads of States and Government decided at their meeting in Lome on 17 December 1997, to establish a mechanism for conflict prevention, management and resolution and for peace-keeping. The scope of the mechanism would be extended to include security-related issues. With respect to conflict prevention, management and resolution, appropriate proposals were advanced regarding the establishment of an observation and monitoring system and a number of organs that would assist in containing and defusing imminent conflicts. The observation system would consist essentially in the establishment of a regional network within which states would be grouped into zones. A Regional Observation and Monitoring Centre should be established within the Executive Secretariat to give warning of impending crisis. All information having a bearing on regional peace an security collected by zonal bureaux would be transmitted to the centre. The centre will record and analyze all such data and take action on any signs of a breakdown in relations between Member States or of alarming socio-political developments within Member States. Four (4) observation centers were created with headquarters in Banjul (The Gambia), Cotonou (Benin), Monrovia (Liberia) and Ouagadougou (Burkina Faso). The necessary political implications can quickly be drawn and appropriate measures taken. To facilitate this process, it is proposed that a Council of Elders and a Mediation and Security Council should be established. It was proposed to use African traditional practice as a guide and establish a Committee of Elders made up of eminent personalities from the sub-region, Africa and beyond, who would use their vast experience, good offices and competence on behalf of ECOWAS to play the role of mediator, conciliator and arbiter. Its members would be chosen by the Executive Secretary in consultation with the Chairman of Council as and when the need arose. A Mediation and Security Council comprising nine Member States will be empowered, on behalf of the Authority of Heads of State and Government, to take such emergency decisions as may be required in crisis situations. It is proposed that the Mediation and Security Council should consist of 9 Member States elected for a two year mandate, and that the current and immediate past chair should have automatic membership on the Council. The Council may consider and make recommendations on issues within its area of competence within any or all of the following bodies: the Committee of Ambassadors of the nine (9) Member States; the Committee of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Defence, Internal Affairs and Security, and the meeting of Heads of State of the ECOWAS Mediation and Security Council. These different bodies may solicit the opinion of defense and Security Commission. Membership of the Commission shall be dictated by the issues for discussion. Member States may therefore be represented by their Chief of Staff, security chiefs, experts from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, heads of immigration, Customs, narcotics, or border patrols. The Commission shall examine the technical aspects of defense matters and advise on the requirements of the administration and logistics support for peace-keeping operations. In cases of armed conflict, ECOWAS shall employ both political and military intervention. The term ECOMOG shall continue to designate the military instrument of ECOWAS. ECOMOG shall be based on a standby arrangement involving the use of national contingents that shall be earmarked, trained and equipped, and organised for deployment at short notice. Another major innovation is the proposal that ECOWAS should intervene to undertake peace-keeping operations in internal conflict where the situation: threatens to trigger a humanitarian disaster; pose a serious threat to peace and security in the sub-region; erupts following the overthrow or attempted overthrow of a democratically-elected government. The draft mechanism lays down the procedure to be followed where the decision is taken to intervene. Proposals are also made regarding the composition of ECOMOG, its chain of command, duties and functions and funding for administrative and logistics support. In order to correct the impression that ECOWAS has failed, in previous operations, to adequately support its peace-keeping operations with humanitarian action, it is suggested that, in situations of conflicts or natural disasters, ECOWAS should ensure a high profile with regard to alleviating the suffering of the populace and hastening the return of normalcy. A number of recommendations were made in respect of this and of peace-building. The scope of the mechanism was widened to include security issues, in accordance with the directives of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Internal Affairs and Security. A number of recommendations in the draft mechanism attempt to address the concerns of our leaders concerning the movement of light weapons and ammunitions and the increasing incidence of cross-border crime. The Executive Secretariat has sought to combat small arms proliferation more effectively by preparing a draft declaration of a moratorium on light weapons based on the moratorium presented by Mali on the importation, exportation and manufacture of light weapons and the Programme for Coordination and Assistance for Security and Development (PCASED). The draft declaration has been adopted by the Heads of State and Government. The European Union generously made available to ECOWAS an amount of 1.9 million Euros for undertaking certain operational activities of the mechanism. Having addressed the issue of a security outfit in western Africa, it is worthy to note that the SADC does not have an established military outfit. RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION SADC The community adopted objectives to look out for the welfare of the member states. In dealing with matters of anything against this i.e violation of human rights all must be put in correcting and condemning such situations. However this has not been the case on the ongoing Zimbabwean catastrophe, in fact this is one of SADC s biggest failures. In attending to the matter in which Robert Mugabe has been in power for 40years now, in which he unlawfully took land from white people who contributed a lot to the economy through farming giving it to poor black people who cannot even do anything with it, breaking his own black peoples houses. The opposition took a stand against all the wrong that was going wrong in the country earning many of them brutal military attacks, many died, many imprisoned for no good reason the opposition leader even ran to Botswana after alleged rumors of plots to kill him by the Robert-led millitary. All that SADC did was send the former South-African president Th abo Mbeki for peace talks between the ruling ZANUPF and the opposition MDC. This effort could be applauded however Thabo Mbeki happens to be one of Roberts best friends back from the colonialism days they fought for freedom together, which is why he and SADC adopted the silent diplomacy way to go about the matter. This proved very useless the situation worsened civilians were killed everyday for opposing the ruling party, many people died of diseases even worse the economy collapsed, taking things to the core the world imposed sanctions on Zimbabwe. The world spoke SADC kept saying we will do things our way. This is to say SADC needs more efficient, effective and stronger methods in matters involving peoples lives. They should condemn when democracy is not well practiced only Botswana and Namibia took a strong stance to say this is inhuman and the situation should be given more seriousness. Silent diplomacy is not working more power-backed methods must be put in place to see to it t hat peoples rights are not violated ,democracy an rule of law are seen to. There is a continuing loss of millions of lives to HIV/AIDS but the message is being spread on how to prevent infection. It then becomes a problem when a prominent leader in society like Jacob Zuma the current South-African president promotes promiscuity otherwise. The man is married to five women but 2years back he was involved in a rape scandal in which he was alleged to have raped an HIV positive women knowing of her status but not caring to get infected and passing it on to his wife. The man hid behind culture

Causes of the Civil War Essay -- Papers Usa American History Essays

Causes of the Civil War Although some historians feel that the Civil War was a result of political blunders and that the issue of slavery did not cause the conflict, they ignore the two main causes. The expansion of slavery, and its entrance into the political scene. The North didn't care about slavery as long as it stayed in the South. South Carolina seceded, because Abraham Lincoln, a Republican, was voted into office. The Republican party threatened the South's expansion and so Southerners felt that they had no other choice. The United States was divided into three groups by the time the Civil War began: those who believed in the complete abolition of slavery, those who were against the expansion of slavery, and those who were pro slavery. The Republican party was formed in opposition to southern expansion. Their views were Free Soil, Free Men and Free Labor. The Republicans were anti-South but they were in not abolitionists. They believed that slavery was a flawed system that made the south ineffective and because the North's free labor system was superior it must be guarded from southerners. When the Republican candidate, Abraham Lincoln was elected in 1860, the South felt threatened, and because expansion was vital to the survival of slavery they also felt their way of life was being threatened. Because slavery was such an important part of Southern society, the South felt that they could not survive without it. That's why they were not willing to compromise with the north. To own slaves was a sign of wealth and social prestige and poor farmers who could not afford slaves had a goal to work for. In the election of 1860 you can see that Lincoln only secured 4% of the popular vote in the South, only wi... ... Bibliography: Coffey, Thomas M. The Long Thirst. New York: WW Norton and Co., 1975 Dumenil, Lynn. Modern Temper. New York: Hill and Wang, 1995 Hintz, Martin. Farewell, John Barleycorn. Minneapolis: Lerner Publications, 1996 Karl, Barry D., The Uneasy State. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983. Kerr, K. Austin, Organized For Prohibition. London: Yale University Press, 1985 Lee, Henry, How Dry We Were: Prohibition Revisited. New Jersey, Prentice-Hall, 1963 Organized Crime . Compton's Interactive Encyclopedia  ©1996 SoftKey International Inc. and its licensors. Parrish, Michael E., Anxious Decades. New York: WW Norton and Co., 1992. Prohibition. Compton's Interactive Encyclopedia  ©1996 SoftKey International Inc. and its licensors. Severn, Bill. The End of the Roaring Twenties: Prohibition and Repeal. New York: Julian Messner, 1969